Keeping an Eye on Myanmar
By translating the work of exiled and undercover journalists, Border Eyes seeks to improve Sinophone audiences' understanding of the ongoing crisis in Myanmar
Amidst the ongoing civil war that has ripped through Myanmar since the military seized power in a 2021 coup d’etat, reporting on the country has become increasingly dangerous and difficult. Even well-resourced, globe-spanning news services have struggled to keep pace with events inside the country, forcing them to lean on anonymous tipsters and the work of exile newsrooms in neighboring countries.
The situation for Chinese-language media is especially acute. But a new platform covering Myanmar is trying to change that. Founded by Taiwanese journalist Will Yang (楊智強), Border Eyes (邊境之眼) draws on reporting from newsrooms dotted throughout the region, translating their work for Chinese readers. CMP Researcher Dalia Parete recently sat down with Yang — who previously worked at the digital news outlet The Reporter (報導者) — to learn more about Border Eyes and the latest developments in Myanmar.
Lingua Sinica: How has the environment for journalism in Myanmar changed in the past few years? What challenges have journalists faced since then?
Will Yang: Myanmar's media scene has dramatically changed. Many independent media outlets remained open after the coup, but the government has gradually shut them down as time went on. These outlets frequently reported on protests, and several journalists were arrested or disappeared. By "independent," I mean that the government did not control them, despite having financial interests. Now, there are no independent media outlets operating throughout Myanmar.
Now, no independent media outlets are operating throughout Myanmar.
Many have moved to other countries, primarily Thailand and Australia. Thailand, specifically Chiang Mai, has a big community of exiled Burmese media. These publications continue their work with undercover reporting. Some journalists cross the border to cover stories, mostly around the border areas rather than in big cities such as Yangon or Mandalay. Some others remain in Myanmar, although they are often civilians with less expertise than the trained journalists who were forced to flee because of safety concerns. Some publications rely on citizens to provide information from within Myanmar. For example, outlets such as Myanmar Now operate this way.
LS: What are some ways that independent media have continued to cover Myanmar, both from within the country and outside of it?
WY: Many journalists who continue to work for independent news organizations occasionally enter Myanmar from across the border. However, many have fled the country to seek political asylum in countries like Germany and the United States. As a result, the Burmese media business is struggling to locate qualified experts. But they are still doing an excellent job of covering news there. I rely on reading their news in English to get updated information.
I just visited Mae Sot [a city in western Thailand near the Burmese border] from Taiwan and saw that they are trying to teach young journalists with few resources. There is a great desire to study, but they lack the necessary instruments such as cameras and good phones — most people just have basic models. Despite these challenges, they are quite passionate. They wish to document the status of refugees and internally displaced persons, even if it is not in the most dangerous locations.
LS: How do Chinese-language outlets like Golden Phoenix News (金鳳凰) — the only Chinese-language newspaper approved by the Myanmar Ministry of Information — find a space in this fraught landscape?
WY: I have heard about Golden Phoenix News. I haven't read much of their work, and I suspect their reports have biases if they receive material directly from the military. If you only receive information from this site, one would think, "There is no war in Myanmar," and you cannot see the social struggles there. As the Junta has approved this newspaper, it must adhere to the strict reporting guidelines. This implies that they will prefer articles supporting the military's objectives, particularly for readers in China and other countries. It's a strategy to control the conversation and downplay the current crisis.
However, many Chinese media outlets outside Myanmar depend on information from organizations like AFP that are still active in Myanmar. For readers who might not understand English, these publications typically translate the reports from these agencies into Chinese. Reports from English-language news agencies are widely used as a basis for Chinese media outlets. They also use news reports from Myanmar government media as well. If they need it, the English editions of some Myanmar media can also serve as a reference.
LS: Why do you think Chinese-language outlets have been successful in entering Myanmar while international news agencies are struggling to report from there?
WY: AFP is one of the few news organizations still functioning inside Myanmar with the Junta's approval. They have clearance to report, so they don't need to go undercover. Organizations such as Reuters, AP, and The New York Times are no longer present in Myanmar. They still offer first-hand news from the ground but must be cautious about what they publish.
Many Chinese-language news outlets covering Myanmar concentrate on scam centers rather than the civil war.
Many Chinese-language news outlets covering Myanmar concentrate on scam centers rather than the civil conflict. Only 20 percent of stories discuss the civil war, whereas most deal with scam centers. Instead of providing in-depth coverage of common topics, they typically only cover the "breaking news," such as high-profile visits from figures like [PRC Foreign Miniser] Wang Yi or the 2025 national elections.
The stories that seem more popular among Chinese language readers are about scam centers. Many people are curious about what’s happening in Myanmar, and while those stories reflect part of the reality, they don’t capture the full picture of the ongoing struggles and complexities in the country.
LS: How do PRC state-run media cover what is happening in Myanmar?
WY: The first state-run outlet that comes to my mind is Xinhua. They continue to operate within Myanmar and have access to several sources. However, when looking for news about Myanmar on Xinhua’s website, you may discover that around half of it is about scam centers. Additionally, it covers essential topics like natural disasters and Chinese interests in Myanmar, including financial investments and pipeline projects.
At first, they reported on the coup and the ensuing conflicts, but these days it's difficult to get continuous coverage of the carnage. When they do bring up conflict, it's usually about China, such as attacks on Chinese consulates like the one at the end of October, or missiles crossing the border. It seems that Xinhua is actually ignoring the ongoing confrontations, even though one or two of their reporters are still based in Yangon.
Reading some of these articles can be interesting, but I try to read just a few of them as they might not be accurate. It's simple to memorize false information, which could be harmful. Despite Xinhua's initial coverage of the coup, it appears that they are ignoring the ongoing confrontations.
LS: What do locals think about China? Has China won the hearts and minds of the Burmese people?
WY: I think that many Burmese have a very negative opinion of China after the coup. This was particularly evident following the assault on the Chinese consulate on October 18. China appears to be disliked by both the government and the revolutionary forces. Many people think China is interfering in Myanmar's domestic affairs and does not hide its intentions.
Recently, an internal government document related to a meeting with a Chinese special envoy in Wa State [on the Chinese border] was leaked. According to this document, the Chinese delegates acted as if they were in command and their Burmese counterparts were beneath them. As soon as it leaked, it sparked massive rage in the media and on the Burmese internet.
On top of that, the Chinese government assisted certain rebel groups in northern Myanmar to retake territory from the military at the end of last year. Overall, Myanmar's citizens, irrespective of their political stance, strongly disapprove of Chinese interference and influence. However, they appreciate the importance of ties with countries like China, especially when it comes to economic deals.
LS: What inspired you to start Border Eyes?
WY: I have both personal and professional reasons. Since my initial visit in 2015, I have traveled back and forth between Taiwan and Myanmar to tell the stories of the people living there.
Especially after the takeover in 2021, I kept doing online interviews while working as a journalist for The Reporter (報導者). I saw that the crises in Ukraine and Palestine have changed the focus of attention worldwide. I became aware that I was among the few journalists who had any knowledge of Myanmar, so I wanted to go back. After returning a few times, I realized, "Wow, there are so many stories to tell!" Almost everyone who crosses the border from Myanmar to Thailand has a story to share.
I continued interviewing people because there wasn't enough coverage of this issue. I also discovered that a Japanese journalist, Toru Kubota, was detained while reporting in Myanmar in 2022. Before the Japanese government stepped in, he was imprisoned for four months. He now runs a website that translates documentaries produced by Burmese exiles into Japanese, educating a lot of people in the region as he travels between Myanmar, Thailand, and Japan.
After following his work for a while, I thought, "Why not do something similar for Chinese-language audiences?" Chinese speakers are a big potential audience. So I decided to take action. We began our project at the end of August after I started looking for funds and received a small grant from Reporters Without Borders.
LS: How does Border Eyes operate?
WY: We have two main approaches. One is to produce in-depth stories every month, cooperating with different exile media professionals such as artists and filmmakers. We invite artists to draw scenes that we cannot photograph — for example, military personnel or incidences of torture.
We aim to create a platform rather than a traditional news organization — a palace to bring stories to a broader audience. Besides posting in-depth articles on our website, we also plan to distribute them through other Chinese-language media outlets in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and, ideally, China.
LS: Are there any other sources you would recommend for quality reporting on Myanmar, particularly in Chinese?
WY: Unfortunately, there aren't many Chinese-language journalists covering Myanmar. Although brave reporters in other languages like French, German, and English are still reporting on the situation, few speak Chinese. Many of the voices we hear are those of analysts, and their information is either inaccurate or biased and can cause confusion.
I have trouble trusting Chinese sources to provide reliable information. Instead, I read English-language reports from various organizations and think tanks like Crisis Group that offer more trustworthy information.
Chinese speakers have considerable influence in the region [but] they are unable to make informed decisions.
This situation is critical because Chinese speakers have considerable influence in the region, yet they are unable to make informed decisions due to the lack of accurate and timely reporting. That's why this project is so important. We aim to provide the right information to help people understand what’s happening there.
LS: What does the future look like for journalism in Myanmar?
WY: It's interesting to see how things are going in Myanmar. The military junta is losing ground in the civil war but they haven't been defeated yet. The revolutionary troops lack heavy weapons such as fighter jets and tanks, preventing them from launching direct attacks on the cities. And the military also faces challenges, particularly regarding information control.
The junta implemented a VPN ban a few months ago and has already prohibited access to social media sites like Instagram and Facebook. They even inspect people's phones, and people can be arrested if they’re found with a VPN. This adds a lot of tension, making it more difficult for information to circulate. Journalists in Myanmar used to be able to exchange information but this is becoming increasingly difficult.
Many new journalists are receiving training along the border and are anxious to go back to gather information, but this generates competition. They want to share stories, but the junta's prohibitions on VPNs have a big impact on their work. In some areas without internet connectivity, residents rely on Starlink for communication.
Overall, the flow of information in Myanmar is deteriorating, making it increasingly difficult for journalists to do their jobs.
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